Great Britain in a global world
- Conservative Environment Network
- 8 hours ago
- 7 min read
In an age that is demanding immediate results and short–form content, how do we make the conservative case for environmental issues? How do we make sure that sensible, pragmatic solutions to both domestic and global problems don’t get sacrificed in favour of shibboleths of the Left and the Right, respectively?
Now of course environmental issues are political issues. But we shouldn’t let them become polarising issues. I fear at the moment that we are caught between two tribes of Neo–Luddites.
We have the negative right, Reform, for example, claiming that things are just fine the way they are. They claim that concerns about emissions, habitat loss, and falling yields are scaremongering. Their motto perhaps is that all change, even for the better, is a bad idea.
Then of course we have the negative left: Greens, Lib Dems and many on the Labour benches. They’re suspicious of technology, believing things were far better before the invention of the car, before the internal combustion engine, probably before even the invention of the steam engine.
The “let’s not move forward” tribe is in a bidding war with the “let’s move backward” brigade. They are, in fact, both wrong. But how do we win the arguments we need to win in an age of cynicism? Because “do as I say because I know best” will not work.
In order to win the arguments, we have to be honest, but we also have to be optimistic. The challenges are real and they are significant. There are many I could highlight, but one of the most pressing is the impact of environmental degradation and habitat loss on global stability. In many parts of the world, farmers are struggling to feed themselves and their families.
And as their land becomes less fertile, their choices become harder. Some turn to migration, understandably seeking better prospects elsewhere in the world. And we know what a sensitive issue mass migration is – not just in the UK and Europe, but right across the world. Those who don’t move can easily fall prey to extremists. Not necessarily because they subscribe to extremist ideologies, but because it pays. And it pays a lot better than subsistence farming.
So it’s no surprise that the band of instability running across the continent of Africa matches the band of increasing desertification. Because ground that is no longer fertile for crops, is ground that is fertile for violence.
But we also need to be optimistic. We should embrace the fact that there is a way forward. And it lies in rejecting both the luddite left and the luddite right. It lies in harnessing the power of technology, because the United Kingdom has a long and proud history of innovation.
From the Norfolk crop rotation system, to the steam engine, to the World Wide Web, we have been at the forefront of technological advancements. And today, we once again are in a leadership position, but in the realms of green technology. Of course governments played a role, but the private sector has been, is, and always will be the most powerful driver of innovation. And that is true in the green revolution as well. Ecological sustainability must also be economically sustainable.
If we are going to encourage businesses to greener processes, we have to show them that they can save money doing so, otherwise, in an increasingly commercial and intensive world, they just won’t do it. But reducing waste, reducing the amount of water used, and increasing the levels of recycled materials is helping businesses save money and operate more efficiently.
Pioneering innovation and technology, like the sodium–ion batteries being developed at the University of Strathclyde, are showing cleaner, cheaper ways to produce and store energy. These batteries are not small and they are not pretty, but in many parts of the world, robust and cheap energy storage is much more important than small and expensive. Furthermore, unlike lithium, cobalt and nickel, which are minerals concentrated geographically in a few areas, sodium is widely available. And this means that nations, particularly those in the developing world, can produce their own batteries without relying on foreign supply chains.
This technology has the potential to fundamentally change decentralised energy storage, and in doing so unlock the full potential of decentralised energy generation, reducing the need for, for example, the millions of dirty, diesel generators that are scattered all over the developing world.
We need to ensure that these innovative, new technologies are accessible, affordable, and scalable, because there is little point in the UK greening our own economy, if the developing world and the rapidly industrialising world doesn’t do the same. It is not in our self– interest to hoard these technologies.
There have already been a number of success stories. Take Nigeria’s Clean Energy Transition programme, where British expertise has helped roll out solar mini grids across rural areas. These offer stable electricity supplies to villages that have never been, and frankly will never be, connected to any kind of distribution. This kind of partnership empowers communities to escape poverty through new economic opportunities – whether it be refrigeration of fish in coastal fishing communities or internet access for remote schools. When you can make these goods sustainable, people are less likely to fall into the hands of extremists or terrorists.
Another example of Britain’s leadership in Africa has been both the green growth and global security of the UK–Zambia Green Growth Compact. Zambia is home to some of the world’s most valuable minerals, critical to the clean energy revolution. We are supporting Zambia to develop its renewable energy infrastructure and modernise its mining sector. This creates local jobs, but more importantly it dramatically reduces Zambia's dependency on foreign countries, particularly China. This is exactly the kind of partnership that demonstrates how Britain’s leadership can drive both economic and environmental protection on the world stage and also help stabilise what is a very turbulent geopolitical environment.
This is about more than just cutting–edge technology; it’s about creating the foundations for long–term, sustainable growth, here in the UK and in other parts of the world. As Foreign Secretary, I saw first–hand how Britain’s global partnerships can deliver results. The UK holds a unique position on the world stage. We’re a trusted partner, especially in regions where climate change threatens communities. We’ve built strong coalitions with countries like Indonesia and Bangladesh, providing technological know–how and financial backing to strengthen their climate resilience.
Britain must retain our leadership role, not because we want to lecture the world, but because we have something worth exporting. Not just goods, but ideas and innovation, experience and independence for those countries. This is a strategic vision which links energy policy with our economic and national security priorities. Our ambitious policies drove investment and positioned the UK as a global clean energy powerhouse.
We now need to invest in sodium–ion batteries, hydrogen technology, and British–designed energy systems that don’t depend on the critical minerals that are being captured by regimes to use as leverage.
This isn’t just climate policy. It is not even mainly about climate policy. It’s about economic policy, foreign policy, and security policy. If we don’t lead, other countries will – and they will do so on terms that undoubtedly we will not like. It’s in our national interest to ensure no country – whether China or anyone else – monopolises the resources that will power today’s and tomorrow’s industries. Rare earth elements are imperative to clean tech and advanced manufacturing, and we must not allow them to become the tool of dependency or coercion. We’ve seen the consequences in Russia's invasion of Ukraine of what happens when we become overly dependent on energy supplies from one place.
The UK under Conservative governments has made major strides in offshore wind and next–generation solar technologies, making sure we are increasingly energy independent. We have laid the foundations for scaling up hydrogen production, vital for decarbonising industries from steelmaking to transportation. But we cannot afford to rest or wait for others – whether it be India, or China, or the EU – to catch up.
Britain must lead. We must keep pushing and go further, and go faster, and be smarter. We must set the pace, we must seize the opportunities. By investing in green manufacturing, we create jobs, we stimulate growth, and we drive down costs. And thanks to Conservative–led policies, the UK hosts four of the world’s largest offshore wind farms, providing abundant, clean energy, generated domestically, not in countries that do not share our values and should not be relied upon.
This is a fantastic achievement. And as conservatives we should be proud of it and of our strong environmental tradition which stems from Margaret Thatcher, one of my political heroes, right through to the last Conservative government.
But our approach should not be one of isolation. The UK is a proud member of the Commonwealth, and our membership has helped us to work with nations like India and Nigeria to help them develop climate–resilient infrastructure, to share green technologies, and drive investments in renewable energy projects. This is what global co-operation looks like. It’s not just about setting goals, or dictating to others. It’s about working in partnership to make sure action is taken and positive outcomes are achieved.
At a time when authoritarian regimes are seeking to export their models of dependency and control, Britain’s approach stands apart. This is why I’m incredibly proud of my country and the work we have done. This is why other countries seek out UK expertise, not just for what we build, but for how we build it: with transparency, with integrity, and with a long–term vision for the ultimate energy independence of our partner countries. It is a stark difference of approach to those nations who use energy supply to entrap developing countries.
A strong, resilient UK energy system – one that is diversified and domestically powered – makes us safer. That is why investments in British offshore wind, in nuclear, and in hydrogen are not just climate commitments – they are defences against energy shocks and geopolitical instability. Conservative environmentalism doesn’t mean an artificial choice between growth and sustainability. It means creating policies that unlock the potential of new industries while ensuring that we simultaneously protect the environment. It’s about finding practical solutions to achieve long–term growth without sacrificing our environmental obligations.
The Conservative Party has always been about empowering individuals, free markets, and innovation. And we must embrace a future where environmental policies encourage investment in new technologies, support the development of new industries, and create the jobs of tomorrow. We must ensure that these policies are grounded in the reality of economic growth and energy independence. They must support an agenda that combines sustainability with economic growth – that is essential.
The idea that we must choose between a strong economy and protecting our environment is outdated and wrong. The future that I believe in is one where these two aims go hand in hand, driving innovation and driving opportunity.
Views expressed in this chapter are those of the author, not necessarily those of the Conservative Environment Network.
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